Why Respectability Politics Do Not Work For Black People.
Yet again, I wake up to more Black trauma. More Black bodies lynched. More Black bodies mangled and contorted beyond recognition. More pain, more grief; my feed, a graveyard filled with Black bodies.
I wonder, will there be a time where we become desensitized to it all. Will this be commonplace… to wake up and watch the public execution of Black bodies?
What I find as equally disturbing, are the justifications of said executions. I’m so tired of reading about how the victim should have behaved. We’ve marched silently, protested with our hands up and (“hands up, don’t shoot”). We’ve practised sit-ins, boycotts, sat on the bus, dined in restaurants that would not serve us. We’ve sung some of the most prolific and influential protest music of our time. Taken the knee. Sacrificed our careers and livelihoods. We’ve pleaded with the morality of our oppressors. Through every possible medium, we have sought to combat institutional racism and inequality.
I recall the public murder of George Floyd and the commentators that rallied to support his character assassination and vilification. One, in particular, Candace Owens, who went on a viral tirade condemning him. Branding him as a criminal and arguing that we shouldn’t be presenting him as a martyr.
This brand of character assassination isn’t new and is often rooted in ‘Respectability Politics’. This brand of philosophy was supported and championed by Black elites in America, however, I would argue that this philosophy could be transmuted and applied to Black people throughout the diaspora. Its core tenant is predicated on the basis that the sole objective is to behave in a ‘respectable’ manner to “uplift the race” by correcting the “bad” traits of poor Black people. The framing of respectability politics is a tool used to create a subconscious divide in the public’s mind between the acceptable Black person: ‘educated’, ‘well-spoken’ or non-confrontational and the unacceptable Black person: ‘un-educated’, criminal record, speaks in slang, confrontational.
In the wake of Floyd and most recently, Jacob Blake, this persuasive philosophy is routinely used to justify their shooting. “If only they had behaved in such a way, such force would of never of been administered” — or so the argument goes.
When comparing the narrative centred around Black and White victims, we immediately see a stark contrast in language used. White victim = loner, outsider, quiet or they had a bright future ahead of them. Their public obituary is filled with symbols reinforcing their humanity and dignity. Black victims, however, = aggressive, dangerous, subsequently divorcing them from any form of humanity or empathy.
Respectability politics highlights the disparity between Black and White victims of state-level violence. The narrative is centred around there having to be a condition to have provoked such a reaction from law enforcement. But ultimately, what justifies such force? Blake was gunned down in front of his three vulnerable children, Floyd screamed and pleaded for his life. In both cases, it has been alleged that they either brandished weapons in-front of police officers and or ‘resisted’ arrest.
This is the issue I have with some White people, Black elitists and Centrists: there has to be a justification for such actions, there has to be a material flaw in Black victims that warrants this level of violence. Tall, intimidating, looking like they don’t belong in a certain area, poor, wearing particular clothes. The justifications are numerous.
The rhetoric only serves to use language as propaganda; only to be used to obfuscate the humanity of the victims. It is too damaging to whiteness/white fragility to accept that the mandate is to police the most undesirable sections of society, namely: the poor and ethnic minorities. All predicated upon the fundamental basis of institutional racism, white supremacy and the absolute protection of capital.
When viewed in conjunction with the murder of Floyd and now the gunning down of Jacob Blake, we can see how this philosophy is used to detached any form of empathy from the victims, especially if they are poor. Their actions become intrinsically linked to their socio-economic status, by placing all their worth as humans on their morality and productivity in society. What is even more concerning, is the number of Black people who subscribe to this philosophy in America and here in the U.K with regards to interactions with the police.
What I am not advocating for criminals to be left to roam freely or even to support that personal accountability is not an important factor. But let’s contextualise the murders of Black people by the police. When we view the murder of Floyd and gunning down of Blake, we must view it within the context of America being a settler-colonial state, which relies on a robust police force, rangers, cowboys, and alike to manage its insurgence or dissidents.
In the U.K the notion of respectability politics have taken root. We’ve followed every rule in the book; followed every channel of a complaint. We have had seasoned politicians draft enquires demonstrating institutional racism is prevalent in the U.K and in our criminal justice system and yet the democratic process is frustrated and muddied, or worse, our research is disregarded and thrown to the side. Stop and Search powers are routinely used to criminalise Black and Brown people in the U.K. A police power that should be intelligence-led; is used to cement the idea that I am an ‘Other’. I don’t quite belong. I should be seen and not heard. And I should be grateful that I am here.
What hangs in the background with regards to the relationship between Black people and the police, is the long historical relationship of oppression. What I am not suggesting is that this is the basis of all relationships between Black and White people. What I am arguing, is that the relationship between Black people and the police must be contextualised and that is done through the understanding of that historical relationship — i.e. the prison industrial complex and its manifestation, for instance, the school to prison pipeline.
The philosophy of this argument is based upon the idea, that if we act in the right way, we won’t be subjected to violence. This, unfortunately, supports structural racism and respectability politics do not offer any solutions, let alone means to combat this. Dressing in a particular way doesn’t warrant being shot, nor should it be the thing that protects you from state violence. If that were the case, then that only reinforces that police officers only practice racialised law enforcement, rather intelligence led.
Despite how respectable we are, it didn’t protect Sandra Bland, Tamir Rice, Mike Brown, Breanna Taylor or Ahmaud Arbery.
We have used every democratic means possible to voice our oppression. And at every juncture, the democratic process has been frustrated. What more will it take? How many more academics, artists, activist and pockets of residence do we have to create? Perhaps it’s too much of a loaded question to ask. Our blood sweat and tears have sown the seeds of wealth and prosperity. We have felt the harsh sting of capitalism under the guise of colonialism, the expansion of European powers and slavery *arguably* the hardest. So what more do you want, what more could we possibly give that hasn’t already been given?
