Institutional Racism: Does It Really Exist?
In the light of mass social movement and a global pandemic; BLM activists proclaimed “Black Lives Matter”. This has gained the attention of the global political discourse with regards to exposing institutional racism within society and the legacy of slavery and colonialism. Here in London, the epicentre the largest empire to have ever existed, the topic of racism and the institutions of racism have gained much traction in British politics.
In ‘attempt’ to highlight issues of structural and institutional racism, the British government have appointed several high profile figures to ‘tackle’ the issue of racism in the U.K. The first being Conservative MP Munira Miraz and the second being Tony Sewell, an educational consultant.
Miraz — pictured above — is the head of the government’s policy unit, and as of June 2020, is leading the formation of the Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities. However, Miraz’s role was not positively received, as quite publicly, Miraz has frequently rebutted claims that the U.K is intuitionally racists. Her track record is dubious at best — as she has reduced anti-racism efforts to a mere “culture of grievance”. Yes, years of anti-racism work done the U.K is the by-product of feeling aggrieved or left out. In 2017, Miraz was a key component in the critiquing of David Lammy’s 2017 report on racial disparities in the criminal justice system. Despite the overwhelming evidence to support the over-policing of black and brown people in the U.K.
Sewell, as pictured above, is another Conservative favourite and public ‘debunker’ of institutional racism. He has recently been appointed by the government as the chair of the newly established Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities. However, his stance — similarly — to Miraz’s is of the position that institutional racism is something to be dismissed, as writing in the Prospect magazine in 2010 he argued: “much of the supposed evidence of institutional racism is flimsy”. But typically -like most debunkers- without further explanation or nuance. In a recent debate featured on intelligence squared, Sewell argued against the motion for reparations for slavery, arguing that reparations are “regressive for majority Black countries and individuals” However, it must be noted that he has a long career of getting young black people into university and jobs.
The appointment of both Miraz and Sewell is to act as a shield to deflect any accusations of implicit bias or racism in the government. “how can we be racist… look at the black and brown people in Government” the Government exclaims. But what is being offered here by way of actual tangible change? I argue that the examination of racism is not being conducted in good faith. The Commission only acts to solidify the Government’s position on racism in the U.K: deny, deny, deny. Wanda Wyporska, who heads the Equality Trust charity, said Sewell’s views were seen as somewhat niche: “If the establishment wants to get a black person to head something up and align with their thoughts, we know who those people are … And the rest of us just think, ‘Oh no, not again. Another wasted opportunity for change.’
Majority group players have a material interest in maintaining that no racial minorities will form coalitions and coordinate uprisings against the dominant group. By appointing Miraz and Sewell; the government are strategically using them to delegitimise institutional racism within the U.K. This further prevents resource pooling. Members of the majority group attempt to factionalise and foster distrust between and among subordinate groups in order to decrease risks and threats to their dominance.
I’ll give it to the Conservative Party. If there is ever going to be a Black or Brown leader of a major political party in the U.K, It’ll be implemented by the Conservative Party first. If you want to quell any attempts of substantive equality for Black and Brown people; employ right-wing, neoliberal Black and Brown people to do the suppression (you know, similar to an overseer on a plantation) for you. Use them to shield you from any scrutiny or arguments of racism within the U.K. Dangle them in front of BLM activists, educators, youth workers and those who are committed to fighting against racism.
Those appointed to the Commission only explain institutional racism through the prism of gaslighting and tropes, such as single black mothers not being unable to raise their children, Caribbean culture not rewarding intellectualism, low expectations of one’s self, music, black on black crime, or a culture of grievance; or suffering from a victimhood mentality. This list goes on. They only further serve the dominative narrative: institutional racism does not exist.
Without proper contextualisation of particularly nuanced socio-political and economic factors, we will hear that black and brown people are the sole proprietors of their demise.
What should take place is a forensic examination into high exclusions rates of Black and Brown children, marking disparities in schooling, poverty, community investment, or the over-policing of Black and Brown bodies. Instead, what will be submitted is that our customs, traditions and culture fosters our failures. Which are classic libertarian and conservatives stances.
What we see here are colonial tactics being implemented in the 21st Century, strategies with the sole purpose of dismantling the precious work that has been done. The Conservative Party have learned the lessons of the past by pitting minority groups against each other, rather than tackling the root of the problem: institutional racism.
